About

Curriculum Ideological Base

It is no secret that in this country race plays a significant role in the opportunities a young person has for academic success, and well-being more generally. On virtually every measure of achievement, learning, and well-being, African-American and Latino youth lag behind their white and Asian counterparts. Achievement differences by race begin as young as the fourth grade and persist all the way through college. By the 12th grade, African American and Latino students are about four years behind students of other races (Haycock, Jerald, & Huang, 2001). Schools attended by African American and Latino students are more likely to be high poverty schools and students in high-poverty schools suffer through lower grading standards, less (and less deep) coverage of curriculum material, and less money spent per pupil (Gamoran, 2000; Haberman, 1991; Knapp, 1995). Further, African Americans in the United States suffer a myriad of poor outcomes, such as higher rates of chronic illnesses, decreased life expectancy, less family wealth via avenues like home ownership, and closer proximity to poor communities despite socioeconomic status (Gymah-Brempong, 1997; Harris, 1999; Massey and Denton, 1993; Pattillo-McCoy, 1999).

Statistics like these are by no means new, but they are pervasive—both over time and geographic location. To make matter worse, both communities and schools are increasingly segregated, perpetuating and intensifying the unequal distribution of resources and the concentration of poverty and all of its ills (Kozol, 2005). Clearly, one way that race matters in achievement and developmental outcomes is that our society structures opportunities inequitably along race and class lines. Thus, African-American and Latino students are afforded less than optimal access to first-rate schools and positive developmental resources. The unequal distribution of resources is a core societal wrong, and should be addressed by policy-makers and politicians. This unequal distribution of resources gives rise to another type of inequity, inequity in access to positive identities as learners in school. This inequity in access to positive identities as learners is critical to the learning and development outcomes of African American and Latino youth and perhaps can be directly addressed by psychologists and educators. In schools, academic identities can be problematic for many African American students, in part, researchers argue, because they conflict with students’ definitions of what it means to be a member of their racial group (Davidson, 1999; Fordham & Ogbu, 1994; Spencer, 1987, 1999). One influential theory in this regard has been Fordham and Ogbu’s “acting white” hypothesis (Fordham & Ogbu; Fordham). This argument goes that because African American youth view school achievement as a “white” phenomenon, they either chose not to invest in school (in order to preserve their perceptions of “blackness”) or they choose to become “raceless” in order to engage and achieve in school.

In a recent study in an urban high school, it was found that the meaning that students made of being African American seemed to differentiate students who were doing well academically and students who were not doing so well. Students who were more successful had conceptions of being African American that were more positive in nature—that is the content of their racial identities included things like being connected to the African history and getting good grades. Successful students not only defined themselves in relation to their academics, but they also defined their racial identity in relation to their academics (Nasir, 2012). In this case, then, race supports students’ positive identification with school. However, like prior research, the work confirmed the finding that students like these students constitute only a small sub-group of the overall African American student body. Students who were less successful had conceptions of being African American that were more negative.

The research on racial identity and academic identity and achievement supports three critical points. First, African Americans and some students of color across the country are struggling with issues of identity, and are finding multiple ways to reconcile their racial identities with their participation in schooling environments. Second, some configurations of African American identities seem to better support (or be more compatible with) school achievement than others, and too many students embrace identities that are detrimental for school achievement. Finally, the research seems to support the notion that these racial identities and students’ conceptions of them in relation to school are not fixed—that they shift over time, if often in the less adaptive direction.

Given these important findings, cultural identity is a key point of intervention for African American youth and students of color, and this curricula focuses on creating opportunities that allow BIPOC youth make conscious, positive identity choices, thus better supporting academic trajectories and school engagement.

Course Description
Mastering Our Cultural Identity draws on contemporary youth culture to support students as they explore their cultural identity options, learn how to manage their emotions, channel personal will, develop a positive sense of purpose in their roles in family and community.

Course Goals and Major Student Outcomes
Cultural identity is a key point of intervention for African American and students of color, and Mastering Our Cultural Identity focuses on creating opportunities that allow our students to make conscious, positive cultural identity choices, thus better supporting academic trajectories, school engagement, and college and industry preparation for success after high school.

Pedagogical Approach
This curriculum is best used with a socratic teaching style with an emphasis on academic discourse. By asking relevant introspective questions that are based on the content presented, the facilitator promotes and encourages understanding, analysis and critical evaluative thinking. Challenging open-ended questions are often time followed by a very specific group discussion model.

Results Oriented Design
This curriculum is results oriented and has been proven effective by an independent evaluation conducted by San Francisco State University that showed students who participated in the program experienced:

-Increases in GPA.
-Increases in Life Satisfaction.
-Increases in Self-Esteem.
-Increases in Self-Worth.

In a new study led by Thomas S. Dee, a professor at Stanford Graduate School of Education (GSE), participation in the classes in which Khepera was taught the drop out rate was reduced by 43% for black males and graduation rated increased. The study found smaller reductions in the number of black females who dropped out as well, suggesting a possible spillover effect.

-Increases in Graduation Rate.
-Reduction in Drop Out Rate.
-Spillover Effect

Link to that study: https://news.stanford.edu/2019/10/21/access-program-black-male-students-lowered-high-school-dropout-rates/

Intended Overall Academic Outcome
This curriculum is designed for all students to deepen their understanding of what it means to be a student of color, particularly an African American, in American society—both culturally and emotionally. At the same time, it aims to motivate them through transformative narratives and enhance their ability to pursue a rigorous academic career.

Curriculum Facilitation Approach – Designed for Maximum Engagement
The curriculum is multimedia, interactive, and culturally inspired, constantly evolving to remain relevant. It includes online digital lessons/presentations, films, music, and engaging group activities that captivate and involve the students.